The Pros And Cons Of Propaganda

(RFE/RL – rferl.org – Brian Whitmore – March 20, 2014)

Propaganda works. Or at least it’s working for the time being.

In concluding his speech to a joint session of parliament this week, Vladimir Putin claimed that 92 percent of Russians favored the annexation of Crimea.

The number was inflated, but not by much, according to Lev Gudkov, director of the independent Levada Center, Russia’s most respected pollster. In a recent interview with Gazeta.ru, Gudkov said his data show that nearly 80 percent of Russians consider Crimea to be part of Russia.

In recent weeks, Westerners have looked on with derision at the over-the-top and clearly inaccurate way the Russian state-controlled media have depicted events in Ukraine: a coup by neo-Nazis that has unleashed a wave of anti-Semitism and reprisals against Russian-speakers, sparking a humanitarian crisis and a surge of refugees escaping the chaos.

Who would bel ieve this stuff, right? I mean, the facts on the ground so obviously run counter to the distorted and outright false picture Kremlin spin masters have so carefully painted.

Well, apparently somebody does.

According to Gudkov, between November 2013, when mass demonstrations in Kyiv started, until late February, when President Viktor Yanukovych was deposed, a clear majority of Russians thought what was happening in Ukraine was an internal affair and Russia should not interfere.

Now, in addition to the 79 percent who view Crimea as part of Russia, some 58 percent favor the deployment of Russian troops

“The campaign that began in the last week of February — which was unusual in its intensity and aggressive tone — has drastically changed the public mood,” Gudkov said. “The propaganda has stunned people. The public is now in an agitated state with all of their imperial complexes awakened.”

So game over, right? Putin’s got his mojo back and he’s got his people behind him. It’s 2007 all over again.

Well, not so fast. The propaganda may be working wonders for the Kremlin now. But according to Gudkov, it will likely prove ephemeral — and eventually cause a backlash. “After a while, the effect will wear off and a pensive state will set in,” he said.

And after the pensiveness, comes the backlash. And the reason for this, Gudkov said, can be found in the very nature of propaganda itself. “Propaganda’s effectiveness is directly linked to the subject. It is very difficult to convince people that the authorities consist of competent and decent people.  But it is easy to convince them that Americans torture adopted Russian children because this cannot be verified,” he said.

“Basically, propaganda destroys alternative understanding. It may not quite convince people, but it imposes on them the cynical view that everyone is a bastard, politics is a squabble between interest groups, and nobody should be believed.”

And it is here, he added, that the Kremlin may end up being a victim of its own success.

“The Kremlin spin doctors and manipulators do not understand that after a while this will turn against the Russian authorities themselves because imposing such a view of social processes in a country dominated by a paternalist state mind-set cannot but lead to increasingly negative attitudes toward the authorities themselves” he said.

“This should end with clear analogies or the association of the current Russian authorities with the Yanukovych regime.”

Gudkov is not alone in predicting that what looks like a stunning victory for Team Putin will soon turn into an albatross.

Writing in “Nezavisimaya gazeta,” Aleksei Malashenko of the Moscow Carnegie Center says Putin has changed the game both in his relations with the elite and with society — and dangers loom on both fronts.

“The president has to know tha t even in the ruling class many people are ‘perplexed’ by his Crimean action, and this is contributing to irritation with the leader,” Malashenko writes.

He’ll still be president for a very long time. But he’ll no longer have a iron-clad rear. As an ex-security service officer, he surely has to sense this. And keeping nationalist intensity at its height for any length of time is very difficult. People will soon be distracted by things like inflation and other issues from which their attention has been temporarily averted.”

And how will Putin react when this happens?

In a recent interview with “Nezavisimaya gazeta,” political analyst Nikolai Petrov had a chilling prognosis. “There will follow a surge in Putin’s popularity and a consolidation of the legitimacy of the regime. But this surge will be very brief,” Petrov said.

“When the price is clarified, we will see that people are not prepared to pay it. Not prepared to take part in a war, not prepared to live under the stiff sanctions of the West, and so forth. And Putin’s task will be in this short time to organize repressive mechanisms. In order, when the public enthusiasm subsides, to preserve the system of control of the country.”

With the ongoing crackdown on independent media — most recently the television channel Dozhd, which has already been pulled off cable networks, lost its lease — those repressive mechanisms appear to be already moving into place.

Article from Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty – rferl.org – © 2014 RFE/RL, Inc. All Rights Reserved.  Article also appeared at http://www.rferl.org/content/the-pros-and-cons-of-propaganda/25304180.html