NEWSLINK: Russian politics: A new ideology for political ends: Vladimir Putin’s state-of-the-nation address

File Photo of Vladimir Putin Speaking with Flag Behind Him and Microphones in Front

[Russian politics: A new ideology for political ends: Vladimir Putin’s state-of-the-nation address – The Economist – Dec. 15, 2012 – http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21568431-vladimir-putins-state-nation-address-new-ideology-political-ends]

The Economist reports on Russian President Vladimir Putin’s State-of-the-Nation Address, noting what it saw as a values-oriented focus:

For a man known for his pragmatism ­ even cynicism ­ President Vladimir Putin’s state-of-the-nation speech on December 12th was heavily soaked in the lexicon of values, ideology and character. He spoke of “national and spiritual identity” and Russian traditions passed from one generation to the next. After a period of several months in which Mr Putin has rarely appeared in public, his address was an attempt to clear political uncertainty and define what he plans to do with his power, other than simply hang on to it.

Nikolai Zlobin characterizes Putin presidential terms as being dominated by a theme, and anticipates that Putin 3.0 will be dominated by ideology:

Each of Mr. Putin’s presidential terms has had its own governing idea, says Nikolai Zlobin of the World Security Institute in Washington, DC. The first was political, meant to restore a minimum level of order and functionality to the state. The second was economic, overseeing the construction of the state-capitalist system and the funnelling of oil and gas profits, through giants such as Rosneft and Gazprom, to the rest of the economy. What Mr Zlobin calls “Putin 3.0” will be about ideology. To consolidate his rule in the present and secure his legacy for the future, Mr. Zlobin says, Mr Putin has entered what he will try to define as his “moral and historic” stage.

Putin reportedly has a disdain for popular dissent, feeling that the general public should simply be grateful for changes in income:

One year after the appearance of a large-scale opposition, Mr Putin is unmoved by its demands and disinclined to engage in dialogue. As he sees it, he has delivered unprecedented material comfort­between 1999 and 2012 the average hourly wage grew over 12 times, from under 50 cents to more than $5­and his efforts are insufficiently appreciated, especially by the urban professionals among the protesters. Mr Putin considers this lack of gratitude a “caprice” and simply “not fair”, says a well-connected Russian oligarch.

At the same time, Putin seems intent on cracking down on the elite itself under the rubric of anti-corruption moves, while also becoming more focused on undoing capital flight:

… Mr Putin is getting short-tempered with his own elite. During his 12 years in power, Russia’s ruling governing caste grew extraordinarily powerful and, quite often, personally wealthy. Mr Putin now seems to consider the country’s bureaucrats as rather distasteful and undisciplined, more concerned about getting rich …

… he reiterated his calls for officials to bring their assets back to Russia ­ he used the curious neologism “de-offshore-isation” ­ and promised a “harsh and determined” cleansing of the ranks of high officials. The anticorruption campaign that began with the sacking of Anatoly Serdyukov, the defence minister, in November will continue. The motivation for the drive is both to appeal to the people and chastise the bureaucracy rather than genuine moral or legal concern.

Where Mr Putin was less clear was over how he will devise a new ideology. He spoke vaguely of the “inner strength” found in centuries of Russian history and bemoaned “a dire lack of spiritual ties”. But his philosophical task is a hard one. …

But what exactly makes Russia unique? …

The Economist suggests there is an issue of mistrust in Russia, with economic and financial repercussions:

The biggest problem for Mr Putin and for his efforts to forge a new national consensus is the colossal lack of trust between people and the state. For example, this is what holds back domestic investment and helps explain Russia’s estimated $75 billion in capital flight this year. The numbers speak for themselves: polls by the Levada Centre show the number of those who trust the president falling from 44% to 34% between March and November alone.

Restoring trust may be even harder than articulating a new national idea. Over the past years, says Boris Makarenko of the Centre for Political Technologies, a sizeable number of Russians have come to consider themselves as citizens, not merely subjects. This part of society “wants to make inputs”. Trust in power, Mr Makarenko says, will only come when they are given the unencumbered means to create those inputs, beginning with credible and legitimate elections. Will this fit with Mr Putin’s new ideology?

Click here for full article: http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21568431-vladimir-putins-state-nation-address-new-ideology-political-ends

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